The Status of My Beloved Country

India is my beloved country. As a democracy, it rests on four pillars—politics, the executive, the judiciary, and the media—but today, parts of these institutions serve power, ideology, or self-interest rather than the ordinary Indian citizen.

Politics

In Indian politics, dynastic rule remains a deep problem. Apart from the BJP and the Left parties, many political parties are dominated by families that treat public office as family property. Their first loyalty often appears to be to their own wealth, power, and political survival—not to the nation. This is visible in minority appeasement, caste-based politics, and, at times, positions that seem more sympathetic to hostile or Muslim-majority interests than to India’s own strategic concerns.

The Left parties, in particular, have often appeared anti-Hindu while presenting themselves as champions of minorities. Their sympathy for disruptive movements and, in some cases, their softness toward China’s positions have, in my view, crossed into anti-national territory. The BJP, by contrast, has provided stronger national leadership particularly under Narendra Modi. He is a great leader, though his personality carries a narcissistic streak. The party draws considerable strength from the RSS and retired bureaucrats, but it must also cultivate leaders who can stand on their own merit and connect directly with the people.

Executive and Bureaucracy

The bureaucracy is meant to serve the citizen, but too often it serves itself. Officials frequently think first of their own comfort, career, and protection before the needs of ordinary people. For decades, many bureaucrats operated under the influence of dynastic politicians; today lots of them enjoy greater freedom, but freedom has not automatically produced public service.

For an ordinary Indian like me, the experience of dealing with government offices and public sector institutions is still one of delays, indifference, and lack of accountability. The bureaucracy must stop behaving like a privileged class and start working for the citizen who pays for the entire system.

Judiciary

The judiciary is not free from corruption or delay, but it remains one of the more dependable pillars of Indian democracy. On issues of national importance, the courts have often taken the correct stand and defended the constitutional order. This is why judicial independence matters so much: a compromised judiciary would leave citizens with no institutional protection against political excess, corruption, or ideological capture.

Media

The media can be divided into the good, the bad, and the ugly.

The good media exposes the bluff of dynasts, Islamist extremists, Naxalites, and other anti-national forces. It speaks for the ordinary Hindu citizen whose faith, temples, culture, and security have been under pressure for centuries. Hinduism is unusually open and plural in its worship, which has historically made it vulnerable to aggressive conversion campaigns and ideological attacks. A responsible press should defend India’s civilisational heritage without apology.

The bad media is driven by profit—sensationalism, TRPs, and corporate interests. The ugly media provides cover fire for anti-national forces. Left-leaning sections of the press have too often taken an anti-Hindu stance, normalised sympathy for Naxalism, and echoed Chinese interests while calling it intellectual independence. A free press is essential, but freedom without national responsibility becomes a weapon against the nation itself.

Conclusion

India’s greatest strength is its people and its ancient civilisation. But its democracy will remain incomplete until politics moves beyond dynasty and appeasement, bureaucracy becomes citizen-centred, the judiciary becomes faster and cleaner, and the media chooses truth and national interest over ideology and profit. I love my country deeply, and that is precisely why I refuse to remain silent about its weaknesses.